美國眾議院外交委員會無異議一致通過Taiwan Policy Act 台灣政策法案

Formosan Association for Public Affairs   552 7th Street. SE. Washington, DC 20003, USA

Support Democracy, Support Taiwan

《白樂崎專欄》一個「偉大的國家」？

《白樂崎專欄》一個「偉大的國家」？ ◎白樂崎 美國總統歐巴馬最近與中國國家主席習近平在加州陽光莊園會面時，習近平強調，中國尋求與美國建立「大國關係的新模式（新型大國關係）」。

台灣人公共事務會呼籲台美雙方加速進行美軍售台柴電潛艇軍售案

Formosan Association for Public Affairs   552 7th Street. SE. Washington, DC 20003, USA

Support Democracy, Support Taiwan

台灣還有恙蟲病患死亡!!!

[在台灣，筆者看過好幾個發燒、治療幾天後，燒還不退，而要我這感染專科醫師會診的病例   

 [我的經歷，簡略地說:   台大畢業，第一年住院醫師後，到美國東岸接受內科學訓練及淋巴球研究七年，之後，到芝加哥西北大學醫學院感染科就職十八年，發表過有關淋巴球免疫學的論文、有關養老院病患MRSA流行的論文、教過如何適當地使用抗生素，然後返台服務十八年，兼任衛生署感染控制諮詢委員、感染控制雜誌主編、醫院評鑑委員，到退休為止]。    

終於不得不自己承認!

吐痰塗鴉闖紅燈…中國坦承陸客素質低 副總理汪洋點名四大不文明行為 〔編譯林翠儀／綜合報導〕中國出國旅遊人數年年增加，「陸客」的惡形惡狀在全球各地遭到非議，連中國高官都看不下去，中國國務院副總理汪洋十六日點出中國遊客隨地吐痰等「四大不文明行為」，主張立法嚴禁。無獨有偶，日本產經新聞也在日前報導中國人令人不敢恭維的「公德心」事例。

吃回扣102億元???

[這才是正牌的KMT貪汙!   難怪林益世被輕判，貪得還不夠啦!  繼續讓KMT執政吧!! ] 拉艦弊案/郭力恆判15年 追繳102億回扣

美國眾議院亞太事務小組委員會無異議通過「台灣政策法」

Formosan Association for Public Affairs   552 7th Street. SE. Washington, DC 20003, USA

Support Democracy, Support Taiwan For Immediate Release Washington D C -  April 25th 2013 Contact: (202) 547-3686   FAPA Applauds Unanimous Passage of Taiwan Policy Act (TPA) in House Subcommittee   (Washington, D.C. – April 25th 2013) -- Today the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the United States House of Representatives unanimously passed HR419, aka the Taiwan Policy Act (TPA).     The TPA was introduced on January 25, 2013 by Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) and co-chairs of the Congressional Taiwan Caucus Reps. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-FL), Gerald Connolly (D-VA), John Carter (R-TX) and Albio Sires (D-NJ) "to strengthen and clarify the commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan."    It is a comprehensive bill that addresses over a dozen different aspects of the U.S.-Taiwan relationship, and updates the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) to reflect the new realities in this U.S.-Taiwan relationship.  The TPA builds on the TRA (which has functioned effectively as the cornerstone of US-Taiwan relations over the past three decades). It does not amend or supersede the TRA.    The TPA had been introduced during the previous 112th Congress, was passed by the House Foreign Affairs Committee but did not make it to the floor by the time Congress adjourned for the year in the fall of 2012.    During the April 25 markup hearing, the following 8 Representatives attended the hearing: Steve Chabot (R-OH), Eni Faleomavaega (D-SA), Ileana Ros Lehtinen (R-FL), Mo Brooks (R-AL), Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA), Doug Collins (R-GA), Scott Perry (R-PA), Ami Bera (D-CA).    Chairman Chabot stated: "This bill strengthens the relations of our two nations.  And I want to emphasize "Two Nations" for Taiwan is a democracy, an old friend and ally, and it deserves to be treated as such by the U.S. government." Rep. Faleomavaega said: "Reason why we pass this Act, is that we want to achieve that the leaders of Taiwan can continue to practice their democracy."   Rep. Rohrabacher emphasized that Taiwan is a free and independent country. Rep.  Perry: "I believe we should break through the barrier of conventional wisdom in our relations with Taiwan and work towards the normalization of relations." Rep. Ros-Lehtinen concluded: "Taiwan continues to be such an essential alley to the United States. This bill reiterates our support, and tells the Taiwanese people just how deeply we value that friendship."     FAPA President Mark Kao, Ph.D. says: "This bill is one of the most significant pieces of legislation to address U.S.-Taiwan relations over the past decade and, if passed, will greatly bolster Taiwan's ability to preserve its freedom of action in the international community."    Dr. Kao concluded: "Next, the bill has to pass the House Foreign Affairs Committee, then the floor of the House to be followed by introduction in the Senate where the bill has to follow a similar path. We at FAPA will mobilize all our members all over the United States on the grassroots level to help ensure that this critically important bill becomes law at the earliest opportunity."

台灣人公共事務會讚許美國眾議院亞太事務小組委員會無異議通過「台灣政策法」  美國眾議院亞太事務小組委員會於4月25日無異議通過編號H.R.419的「台灣政策法」（Taiwan Policy Act, TPA）。  台灣政策法於1月25日由佛州共和黨眾議員羅斯雷提能（Ileana Ros-Lehtinen）及眾院台灣連線四位共同主席：佛州共和黨議員迪亞茲巴拉特（Mario Diaz-Balart）、維州民主黨議員康納利（Gerald Connolly）、德州共和黨議員卡特（John Carter），以及紐澤西州民主黨議員席瑞斯（Albio Sires），共同提出。  該法案包括台美關係中十幾項不同的議題，並更新1979年的「台灣關係法」（Taiwan Relations Act, TRA），使其更能反映台美關係的真實現況。台灣政策法是建基於過去三十年來台美關係的重要基石─台灣關係法─上，但並未修改，也不會凌駕於其上。  「台灣政策法」曾在第一百一十二屆美國國會中被提出，並通過外交事務委員會審查，但截至該屆國會於2012年秋天散會之前，該項法案並未送交眾院表決。  俄亥俄州共和黨議員夏波（Steve Chabot）、美屬薩摩亞民主黨代表法里歐馬維加（Eni Faleomavaega）、羅斯雷提能議員（Ileana Ros-Lehtinen）、阿拉巴馬州共和黨議員布魯克斯（Mo Brooks）、加州共和黨議員羅拉巴克（Dana Rohrabacher）、喬治亞州共和黨議員柯林斯（Doug Collins），以及賓州共和黨議員裴瑞（Scott Perry）等八位眾議員出席4月25日的審議聽證會。  小組委員會主席夏波議員說道：「此法案將強化我等兩國的關係，而在此我要特別強調『兩國』，因為台灣是一個民主國家及一個長期的美國盟友，而它也應該受到美國政府如是的對待。」法里歐馬維加代表說：「我們通過這項法案的原因，是因為我們要讓台灣可以持續保有其民主。」羅拉巴克議員強調台灣是一個民主自由之邦，而裴瑞議員則說：「我認為我們需要突破現有台美關係的框架，進而將台美關係正常化。」羅斯雷提能議員總結道：「台灣是美國重要的友邦，通過這項法案代表著我們的支持，也向台灣人重申我們是多麼重視台美友誼。」  台灣人公共事務會會長高龍榮博士表示：「這個法案是過去十年中，關於台美關係最重要的一件法案。若此法案通過，將更加保障台灣在國際社會的自由空間。」  高博士總結道：「法案通過小組委員會後，必須通過外交事務委員會，接著由眾議院投票表決，才能送交參議院，並在參院中再經過相似的程序。台灣人公共事務會將會動員全美的會員，發揮草根力量，確保這項重要的法案盡速通過立法。」 * * * * * * * * * * * * 113th CONGRESS 1st Session H. R. 419 To strengthen and clarify the commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan, as codified in the Taiwan Relations Act, and for other purposes. _______________________________________________________________________ IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES January 25, 2013 Ms. Ros-Lehtinen (for herself, Mr. Sires, Mr. Diaz-Balart, Mr. Connolly, and Mr. Carter) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committee on Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned _______________________________________________________________________ A BILL To strengthen and clarify the commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan, as codified in the Taiwan Relations Act, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. This Act may be cited as the ``Taiwan Policy Act of 2013''. SEC. 2. FINDINGS. Congress finds the following: (1) The Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8; 22 U.S.C. 3301 et seq.), enacted in 1979, has continued for 34 years to be the cornerstone of United States-Taiwan relations and has served as an anchor for peace and security in the Western Pacific region. (2) The Taiwan Relations Act, in furthering the national interests of the United States in the Western Pacific region, has mandated that the United States will make available to Taiwan such defense articles and defense services in such quantity as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability, thus allowing the people of Taiwan to preserve a peaceful, democratic, and prosperous way of life. (3) The future of Taiwan must be determined in a peaceful manner and with the assent of the people of Taiwan. (4) The Taiwan Relations Act declares that-- (A) peace and stability in the Western Pacific area are in the political, security, and economic interests of the United States, and are matters of international concern; (B) the United States decision to establish diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China rests upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means; (C) the United States considers any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including by boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States; (D) the United States will maintain the capacity to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan; and (E) the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of all the people on Taiwan are reaffirmed as objectives of the United States. (5) In recent years United States-Taiwan relations have suffered from inattention and lack of strategic vision, thereby requiring the Congress to both clarify United States policy toward Taiwan and enhance its oversight role in the implementation of the Taiwan Relations Act. (6) In its China Military Power Report for 2012, Taiwan's Ministry of National Defense (MND) estimated that more than 1,600 ballistic and cruise missiles are now being aimed at Taiwan by the Second Artillery Corps of the People's Republic of China and other experts suggest that this number could increase to 1,800 in the near future. (7) The anti-secession law, passed by the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China, was found by House Concurrent Resolution 98, passed in the House of Representatives on March 16, 2005, by a vote of 424-4, ``to create a legal framework for possible use of force against Taiwan'' and ``to provide a legal justification for the use of force against Taiwan, altering the status quo in the region, and thus is of grave concern to the United States.''. (8) The legislative requirement to make available defense articles and defense services should include the provision of new F-16 C/D aircraft and upgrades of existing F-16 A/B aircraft essential to Taiwan's security. (9) The 2012 Department of Defense's Annual Report to Congress on Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China noted that ``preparing for contingencies in the Taiwan Strait remains the principal focus and driver of much of China's military investment. In this context, over the past year, the [People's Liberation Army] continued to build the capabilities and develop the doctrine it considers necessary to deter Taiwan from declaring independence; to deter, delay, and deny effective U.S. intervention in a potential cross-Strait conflict; and to defeat Taiwan forces in the event of hostilities.''. (10) The language contained in the Joint Communique of the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, dated August 17, 1982, which states in part that ``arms sales to Taiwan will not exceed, either in qualitative or in quantitative terms, the level of those supplied in recent years'' shall not, to any degree, diminish the responsibility of the United States, as legislatively mandated in the Taiwan Relations Act, to ``make available to Taiwan such defense articles and defense services in such quantity as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self- defense capability.''. (11) The United States has sought diplomatically to preserve Taiwan's international space, despite outside pressure and coercion, and has sought to secure Taiwan's meaningful participation in such international organizations as the World Health Organization (WHO). (12) Given the critical importance of airport security in a post-September 11th international environment, the United States recognizes it is crucial for Taiwan to be admitted to meaningful participation in the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) so that Taiwan may contribute to the success of a global strategy to address aviation security threats based on effective international cooperation. (13) Recognizing that the Taiwan Relations Act stated that it is the policy of the United States ``to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on Taiwan'' the Secretary of Homeland Security announced on October 2, 2012, ``the designation of Taiwan into the Visa Waiver Program (VWP)'' with eligible Taiwan passport holders able to travel on the VWP beginning November 1, 2012. (14) The conclusion of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China in June 2010 or the adoption of any other cross-Strait economic measures shall not diminish in any degree the requirement contained in the Act to ``maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan.''. (15) The theory recently put forward in certain academic circles that the United States should acquiesce to China's ascendancy in Asia and put aside the commitments made in the Taiwan Relations Act is based upon a false premise that ignores the example of a democratic Taiwan, the historic ties of friendship of the peoples of the United States and Taiwan, and the determination of the United States to remain as a Pacific power. (16) Total United States-Taiwan trade in 2011 was $67,200,000,000 and Taiwan was the 10th largest United States trading partner and the 6th largest market for United States agricultural exports. (17) It is in the economic interests of the United States and the national security interests of Taiwan for the peoples of the United States and Taiwan to further strengthen and revitalize their trade and investment ties, including through an expanded Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement or similar mechanism. SEC. 3. RULE OF CONSTRUCTION. Nothing in this Act shall be construed to amend or supersede the Taiwan Relations Act.                       TITLE I--POLITICAL RELATIONS SEC. 101. RELATIONS WITH THE PEOPLE OF TAIWAN. The following shall be the policies of the United States: (1) Supporting Taiwan, Taiwan's democracy, and the human rights of its people. (2) As noted in the Taiwan Relations Act, ``the absence of diplomatic relations or recognition shall not affect the application of the laws of the United States with respect to Taiwan, and the laws of the United States shall apply with respect to Taiwan in the manner that the laws of the United States applied with respect to Taiwan prior to January 1, 1979.''. (3) The United States Government shall respect the right of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO) to display its flag on its premises and the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) and the residence of its Director in Taipei shall, correspondingly, publicly display the United States flag in the same manner as United States embassies, consulates, and official residences throughout the world. (4) The Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office and all other instrumentalities established by Taiwan, including the Twin Oaks Estate, may conduct official business activities, including activities which involve participation by Members of the United States Congress and other representatives of the Federal, State, and local governments, without any impediment from the United States Government or any foreign power. SEC. 102. VISITS BY CABINET LEVEL OFFICIALS. (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following: (1) Visits by United States cabinet officials and other high-ranking visitors are an indicator of the breadth and depth of ties between the United States and Taiwan. (2) In December 1992, United States Trade Representative Carla Hills visited Taiwan, marking the first cabinet-level visit since 1979. (3) Over the next 8 years the Administrator of the Small Business Administration, the Secretary of Energy, and 2 Secretaries of Transportation visited Taiwan. (4) No United States cabinet secretary has visited Taiwan since July 2000. (5) In March 2008, candidate Barack Obama wrote in a message congratulating Ma Ying-jeou on his election victory that ``[t]he U.S. should reopen blocked channels of communication with Taiwan officials'', however no Cabinet-level visits to Taiwan have yet taken place. (b) Policy of the United States.--It shall be the policy of the United States to encourage visits by cabinet-level officials between the United States and Taiwan to foster commercial, technological, and people-to-people exchanges. SEC. 103. REVISION OF GUIDELINES FOR CONTACTS WITH TAIWAN. Notwithstanding the 1994 Taiwan policy review and current mandatory guidance from the Department of State regarding contacts with Taiwan, it shall be the policy of the United States to-- (1) permit senior leaders of Taiwan to enter the United States under conditions which demonstrate appropriate courtesy and respect for the dignity of such leaders; (2) permit meetings between high-level Taiwanese and United States officials in all United States executive departments; (3) allow official travel to Taiwan for Department of State and Department of Defense personnel above the rank of office director or, for uniformed military personnel, above the level of 06 (Colonel, Navy Captain); and (4) support a decision by Taiwan to change the name of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office to that of the Taiwan Representative Office. SEC. 104. REQUIREMENT FOR SENATE CONFIRMATION OF AN INDIVIDUAL APPOINTED TO SERVE AS THE DIRECTOR OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE IN TAIWAN. (a) In General.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the President shall appoint, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, an individual to serve as the Director of the American Institute in Taiwan. (b) Transition.--The individual serving as the Director of the American Institute in Taiwan as of the date of the enactment of this Act may continue to serve in such capacity until such time as an individual is appointed and confirmed in accordance with subsection (a). SEC. 105. EXTRADITION AGREEMENT. (a) In General.--It shall be the policy of the United States to enhance judicial cooperation with Taiwan, currently conducted on the basis of the 2002 Agreement on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters, by signing a comprehensive extradition agreement. (b) Report.--Not later than 180 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall transmit to Congress a report that assesses whether a comprehensive extradition agreement between the United States and Taiwan may be submitted to the Senate for advice and consent as a treaty or whether, because of Taiwan's unique status, such agreement must be submitted to both the House of Representatives and Senate for legislative approval. SEC. 106. CONTINUATION OF THE SIX ASSURANCES AS GUIDELINES IN CONDUCTING UNITED STATES-TAIWAN RELATIONS. Notwithstanding any communiques entered into between the United States and the People's Republic of China, the United States continues to assent to the six assurances provided to Taiwan in July, 1982, including that the United States-- (1) has not agreed to set a date for ending arms sales to Taiwan; (2) has not agreed to hold prior consultations with the People's Republic of China on arms sales to Taiwan; (3) will not play any mediation role between Taipei and Beijing; (4) has not agreed to revise the Taiwan Relations Act; (5) has not altered its position regarding sovereignty over Taiwan; and (6) will not exert pressure on Taiwan to negotiate with the People's Republic of China. SEC. 107. INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. (a) Annual Program.--To provide Taiwan with the international space it requires to function effectively in the world community, the Secretary of State shall direct the Department of State to continue its annual program to ensure meaningful participation by Taiwan in the World Health Assembly in Geneva, Switzerland, as well as meaningful participation for Taiwan in other relevant international organizations, such as the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). (b) Meaningful Participation by Taiwan.--The Secretary of State shall direct the United States Permanent Representative to the United Nations to use the voice, vote, and influence of the United States at the United Nations to ensure meaningful participation for Taiwan in relevant United Nations Entities in which Taiwan has expressed an interest in participating. SEC. 108. REPORT ON TAIWAN'S PARTICIPATION IN ICAO. (a) In General.--The Secretary of State shall initiate a United States plan to endorse and obtain meaningful participation for Taiwan at the periodic Assemblies held by the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) in Montreal, Canada, including the 38th Assembly to be held in September-October 2013, and in the meetings and activities of the ICAO and shall instruct the United States delegation to Montreal to implement such plan. (b) Report.--Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act and annually thereafter, the Secretary of State shall submit to Congress a report containing the plan required under subsection (a). (c) Form.--The report required under subsection (b) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may contain a classified annex if necessary. (d) Annual Briefing.--The Secretary of State should provide an annual briefing to or consult with Congress on any efforts conducted by the United States Government in support of Taiwan's progress toward meaningful participation in the ICAO.                       TITLE II--SECURITY RELATIONS SEC. 201. STRENGTHENING THE DEFENSE OF TAIWAN. (a) Maintenance of Sufficient Self-Defense Capabilities of Taiwan.--Congress finds that any determination of the nature and quantity of defense articles or defense services to be made available to Taiwan that is made on any basis other than the defense needs of Taiwan, whether pursuant to the August 17, 1982, Communique signed with the People's Republic of China, or any similar executive agreement, order, or policy would violate the intent of Congress specified in section 3(b) of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3302(b)). (b) Foreign Military Sales and Licensed Defense Exports Under the Arms Export Control Act.--Congress finds that, in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act, the core purpose of foreign military sales and licensed commercial exports under the Arms Export Control Act should be to assist Taiwan in its ability to-- (1) deter coercion; (2) defend against a strategy of coercive diplomacy employing threats or limited force; (3) repel an invasion; and (4) partner with civil responders and friendly foreign militaries. (c) Defense Transfers.--In order to accomplish the purposes of this section, the President is authorized to make available to Taiwan defense articles or defense services, including the following: (1) Air and air defense capabilities, including-- (A) low-cost, survivable sensors; (B) command and control systems; (C) modern surface to air missiles; (D) upgrades to existing modern combat aircraft as well as new combat aircraft, including Vertical and Short Take-Off and Landing Aircraft (V/STOL); (E) radar, electronic warfare, and jamming capabilities; (F) passive defense measures (such as redundancy, dispersal, camouflage/deception, hardening, and rapid repair capabilities); and (G) access to satellites for remote sensing and communication. (2) Maritime capabilities, including-- (A) additional sensor capacity for comprehensive maritime domain awareness; (B) cost-effective submarines for anti-surface, anti-submarine warfare, and other missions; (C) mines and mine countermeasure vessels; and (D) anti-ship cruise missiles. (3) Ground capabilities, including-- (A) layers, short-range air defense; (B) critical infrastructure protection to ensure continuity of government; (C) air mobility; (D) unmanned air vehicles; and (E) accurate, GPS-guided short-range rockets. (4) Capacity for partnership with friendly foreign militaries, including-- (A) command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance situational awareness systems; (B) enhanced doctrine exchange; and (C) enhanced senior-level training. (d) Rule of Construction Relating to Arms Export Control Act.-- Nothing in this section shall be construed to supersede or modify section 36 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2776). SEC. 202. ADVANCED COMBAT AIRCRAFT FOR TAIWAN. (a) Statement of Policy.--Notwithstanding the upgrade of Taiwan's F-16 A/B aircraft, Taiwan will experience a growing shortfall in fighter aircraft, particularly as its F-5 aircraft are retired from service. (b) Authority To Accept Letter of Request.--Pursuant to the foreign military sales program authorized by the Arms Export Control Act, the President is authorized to accept a letter of request from Taiwan for price and availability data or for a formal sales offer with respect to the F-16C/D Fighting Falcon multirole fighter aircraft or other aircraft of similar capability, as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability. SEC. 203. CONSULTATIONS ON TAIWAN ARMS SALES. (a) Briefings.--Not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act and at least annually thereafter, the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of Defense, shall provide detailed briefings to Congress on-- (1) any discussions conducted between any executive branch agency and the Government of Taiwan during a covered period; and (2) any potential transfer to the Government of Taiwan of defense articles or defense services. (b) Definitions.--In this section and section 201: (1) Covered period.--The term ``covered period'' means, with respect to-- (A) the initial briefing required under subsection (a), the period beginning on the date of the enactment of this Act and ending on the date of such initial briefing; and (B) subsequent briefings required under such subsection, the period beginning on the day after the date of the most recent briefing and ending on the date of any such subsequent briefing. (2) Executive branch agency.--The term ``executive branch agency'' has the meaning given the term ``agency'' in section 551(1) of title 5, United States Code. (3) Defense article.--The term ``defense article'' has the meaning given such term in section 47 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2794). (4) Defense service.--The term ``defense service'' has the meaning given such term in section 47 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2794). SEC. 204. ANNUAL REPORT ON DEFENSE TRANSFERS TO TAIWAN. (a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act and annually thereafter, the President shall transmit to Congress a report-- (1) detailing each of Taiwan's requests for purchase of defense articles and defense services during the immediately preceding one-year period, whether submitted through a letter of request (LOR) or conveyed by other authoritative means, except that the first report under this section shall cover the period 2006 through 2011; (2) describing the defense needs asserted by Taiwan as justification for such requests; (3) describing the decisionmaking process used to reject, postpone, or modify any such request, including-- (A) with respect to significant military equipment, the country team assessment and recommendation as to whether the United States should sell such equipment; and (B) for each request, the elapse of time between the submission of such request and the completion of the interagency review process by the United States; and (4) detailing those defense articles and defense services listed in the Arms Sale Proposal described in section 25 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2765), including a description of the rationale for including or not including in such Proposal, as the case may be, all sales and licensed exports to Taiwan under such Act of major weapons or weapons- related defense equipment for $7,000,000 or more, and the extent to which a decision to not include in such Proposal such sales to Taiwan is consistent with such section. (b) Form.--The report required under subsection (a) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may contain a classified annex if necessary. SEC. 205. REPORT ON IMPLEMENTATION OF TAIWAN RELATIONS ACT. (a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President shall submit to Congress a report on implementation of United States security policy under the Taiwan Relations Act. (b) Matters To Be Included.--The report required under subsection (a) shall include, at a minimum, the following: (1) A review of the operational planning, policy reviews, and other preparations of the United States since 2000 to implement section 2(b)(6) and subsections (a), (b), and (c) of section 3 of the Taiwan Relations Act, including the extent to which the United States retains the capacity to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people of Taiwan. Such review shall take into account whether Taiwan's air and air defense forces retain the ability to effectively defend Taiwan against China's ballistic missile and air threats, and the extent to which the absence of credible Taiwanese air defense forces may complicate the ability of the United States to resist any resort to force that jeopardizes the security of Taiwan. (2) An evaluation of all gaps in relevant knowledge about the capabilities and intentions of the People's Republic of China as such capabilities and intentions might affect the current and future military balance between Taiwan and China, such as anti-access and area denial capabilities as well as anti-satellite and space warfare developments, including both classified United States intelligence information and Chinese open source writing. (c) Form.--The report required under subsection (a) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may contain a classified annex if necessary. SEC. 206. NAVAL VESSEL TRANSFER AUTHORITY. (a) Transfer by Sale.--The President is authorized to transfer the OLIVER HAZARD PERRY class guided missile frigates USS TAYLOR (FFG-50), USS GARY (FFG-51), USS CARR (FFG-52), and USS ELROD (FFG-55) to the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office of the United States (which is the Taiwan instrumentality designated pursuant to section 10(a) of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3309(a))) on a sale basis under section 21 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2761). (b) Costs of Transfers.--Any expense incurred by the United States in connection with a transfer authorized by this section shall be charged to the recipient notwithstanding section 516(e) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2321j(e)). (c) Repair and Refurbishment in United States Shipyards.--To the maximum extent practicable, the President shall require, as a condition of the transfer of a vessel under this section, that the recipient to which the vessel is transferred have such repair or refurbishment of the vessel as is needed, before the vessel joins the naval forces of that recipient, performed at a shipyard located in the United States, including a United States Navy shipyard. (d) Expiration of Authority.--The authority to transfer a vessel under this section shall expire at the end of the 3-year period beginning on the date of the enactment of this Act.                 TITLE III--ECONOMIC AND TRADE RELATIONS SEC. 301. TRADE AND INVESTMENT FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT. It is the sense of Congress that, at the earliest opportunity, the United States Trade Representative should seek to resume and successfully conclude negotiations of economic issues in the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) talks with Taiwan. SEC. 302. FREE TRADE AGREEMENT. (a) In General.--It is the sense of Congress that the ultimate goal of trade negotiations with Taiwan should be the negotiation of a free trade agreement with Taiwan. As building blocks toward that goal, the United States should study the feasibility of negotiating with Taiwan a bilateral-- (1) investment agreement; and (2) tax agreement. (b) Report.--Not later than 180 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall transmit to Congress a report that assesses whether economic and trade agreements between the United States and Taiwan may be submitted to the Senate for advice and consent as a treaty or whether, because of Taiwan's unique status, such agreements must be submitted to both the House of Representatives and Senate for legislative approval.

踢爆溫家寶家族斂財 紐時獲普立茲獎

踢爆溫家寶家族斂財 紐時獲普立茲獎   美聯社記者阿布去年十月初拍攝的敘利亞內戰照片，獲普立茲突發新聞攝影獎。照片中，阿勒波一名男子抱著罹難愛子的遺體，哀痛逾恆。（路透） 〔編譯魏國金／綜合報導〕紐約時報去年揭發時任中國國務院總理溫家寶家族聚斂財富的報導，十五日榮獲美國新聞最高榮譽普立茲獎。紐時共獲得四項大獎，是本屆普立茲獎最大贏家，其中榮獲「釋義性新聞獎」（Explanatory Journalism）的「蘋果經濟」（iEconomy）系列，也與中國有關。 美國哥倫比亞大學十五日公布第九十七屆普立茲獎。紐時上海分社社長張大衛（David Barboza）去年十月下旬發表有關溫家寶家族隱匿財富的報導，獲得國際報導獎。紐時指出，張大衛透過從中國各政府機構獲得的數千頁資料，調查中國高層權錢結合內情，揭發包括溫家寶在內高官親屬控制的商業網絡。 紐時指出，另一與中國有關的得獎報導「蘋果經濟」，則是多面向地分析蘋果等科技公司的商業行為，特別是中國在全球科技供應鏈中的角色。 紐時還拿下「調查報導」、「特寫寫作」獎，其中「沃爾瑪深陷墨西哥賄賂門」的調查報導，最終導致零售巨擘沃爾瑪改變其商業行徑。紐時是獲得最多獎項的美國全球性報紙，華爾街日報則獲得評論類獎、華盛頓郵報拿下批評獎。

可參照下面幾篇文章: "溫嘉寶抗議紐約時報報導溫家隱藏龐大財產 " http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/ccshsu-clement/article?mid=10052&prev=10056&next=10050&l=f&fid=63   "溫家寶一族隱藏的巨額財產!! (又加後續消息)" http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/ccshsu-clement/article?mid=-2&prev=10050&l=f&fid=63   "原來如此!! 中國高幹子孫都是超巨富!! 不知如何得來的??" http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/ccshsu-clement/article?mid=10067&prev=10076&next=10056&l=f&fid=63   "中國領導要掃貪哪! 很難很難!! 當笑話聽聽就好。--看習近平如何!" http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/ccshsu-clement/article?mid=9717&prev=9718&next=9712&l=f&fid=63

曹長青：談金恒煒再次「被打」

 

重讀曹長青先生這篇文章, 對金恆煒和曹長青兩位先生更加敬佩. 兩位先生都是大筆如椽、正氣浩然; 如曹長青說:

"...就是支持這種「雖千萬人吾往矣」的獨立精神，就是支持言論自由的理念。而只有這種價值理念被更多的台灣知識分子認同和追求，台灣才會有真正的希望！"

 

是的, 「言論自由」是民主社會最根本的「理念」, 曹長青也經常強調:

"跟隨理念不跟人"

"Follow Principles, Don't Follow a Person/Don't Idolize a Leader!"

不尊重「言論自由」的社會或社團中, 就會有「言論查禁」(Censorship)這種見不得人、見不得陽光的野蠻行為!

在台灣人、台美人的社團中, 真正尊重百分之百的「言論自由」(100% Freedom of Speech)理念的社團又有多少呢?

不尊重「言論自由」的社會或社團, 一定沒有公平正義, 就可能是個正在走向「一言堂」的「半奴隸」社會或社團!

Bill Huang, 4/13/2013, Sacramento

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http://www.taiwanus.net/news/press/2012/201210311418591678.htm

曹長青：談金恒煒再次「被打」 金恒煒是個爭議性人物，因他口無遮攔，說他想說的，做他想做的，不看任何人臉色。按出生地（中國浙江）他應被劃入所謂外省人，但他堅信自由的價值，認同台灣，堅持推動台灣成為一個正常的獨立國家。這種立場和出生背景，使他更遭到泛藍的圍剿和仇恨，被視為外省人「叛徒」。在他住處附近，曾有國民黨老兵辱罵他「丟了外省人的臉」。在全台灣直播的民視節目上泛藍幹將林正杰曾公然毆打他，導致受傷送醫縫了五針。即使他兩年前患癌症開刀，也成為泛藍們在網上幸災樂禍詛咒的對象。 這就是台灣的現實：國民黨統治了半個多世紀造成的暴力後遺症，不允許有不同看法，不允許台灣人有自己的選擇，國家暴力（國民黨）加上個人暴力（林正杰們）遏阻人們說出自己的心聲。 當然，來自泛藍陣營的這種反應是可以理解的，他們延續文化專制的思維，為保住國民黨統治，繼續阻止台灣人民的選擇權而不遺餘力。但是，令人遺憾和憤怒的是，現在這種對金恒煒的人身攻擊和暴力語言，居然來自謝長廷的嫡系文人老包（本名：詹錫奎）。他最近發表在其《新台灣新聞周刊》網站上的文章「誰最台獨」（《台灣海外網》轉載了），就是一例。 事情的緣由是金恒煒批評了謝長廷的中國之行。謝長廷作為前民進黨主席和總統候選人、現任民進黨中常委，從哪個方面來說，都是政治人物。政治人物就要受到「公評」，這是天經地義的。金恒煒作為專欄作家，對謝長廷的中國之行提出批評，是他應有的寫作自由和權利！老包（詹錫奎）作為謝長廷的密友和雜誌支持者（據了解，老包的雜誌曾得到謝的支援），當然也有權利支持謝長廷去中國，為謝長廷辯護。對政治人物，誰都有權七嘴八舌，進行評論。但是，老包（詹錫奎）的荒唐在於，他竟然護主心切，把矛頭對準了批評謝長廷的金恒煒，對他進行人身攻擊，使用語言暴力；並攻擊金恒煒的夫人，以及台灣本土報紙《自由時報》。這些錯誤在於： 第一，對《自由時報》的攻擊不顧常識，違背事實： 老包（詹錫奎）指控說，對這次謝長廷的中國之行，本土報（自由時報）進行了一場「批鬥謝長廷」的「資訊凌遲」，「動員」法律學者等對謝長廷「非理性、無情的人格謀殺」；並點名道姓地指控金恒煒「在本土報用文革式手法辱罵謝」。 這種指責完全不符常識，更不是事實。謝長廷到中國祭祖「哭泣」輸誠，是對台灣人尊嚴的褻瀆；謝長廷向中國統戰官員建議「憲法各表」（即認同一個中國），更是背離台灣成為正常獨立國家的台灣人的訴求。對於謝長廷的中國之行，台灣島內外都有強烈的批評之聲，憑什麼說是本土《自由時報》動員的呢？證據在哪裡？這個老包（詹錫奎）可以隨口如此指控，無法不令人質疑他的其它文章的可信度。 我在美國看到謝長廷到中國假哭的醜行，就憤怒地寫了「謝長廷到中國踐踏台灣」的文章。洛杉磯的《台灣e新聞》網刊也連續發表社論（謝長廷的短視；謝長廷的奸巧）。就我本人有限的閱讀，在媒體上就看到如下這些批評謝長廷中國之行的文章，難道這些都是《自由時報》「動員」來的嗎？ 史明（台獨前輩）：站在敵人的立場是台灣人嗎？ 蔡同榮（前民進黨中常委）： 憲法共識？憲法各表？ 黃崑虎（台灣之友會總會長）：切勿走入一中的不歸路 黃昆輝（台聯主席）：謝正當化馬傾中政策 陳榮傑 （前海基會秘書長）：平議謝長廷中國行 李筱峰（評論家）： 「祖譜」的問號 鄭正煜（台灣南社社長）：老共的長廷兄 陳杉榮（資深編輯）：溫水煮青蛙 鄭思捷（洛杉磯台獨理論家）：丟棄謝長廷 陸念慈（台灣評論家）：謝長廷開天窗 張國財（新竹教育大學副教授）：誰跟你各表？ 傅雲欽（律師）：謝長廷在對岸哀公哭媽，台灣敗亡前夕的經典鏡頭 傅雲欽（建國廣場負責人）：政治不能超越人性嗎？謝長廷所言差矣！ 南嘉生（《南方快報》評論員）：你祭祖，我放棄你 南嘉生：「憲法各表」比「一中各表」更危險！ 南嘉生：謝長廷的思考困境 劉重義（台獨理論家）：謝長廷的錯亂 黃世澤（香港英籍時事評論員）：謝訪中是件蠢事 楊綿傑（台聯黨青年軍）：從蘇格蘭獨立公投看民進黨 李道勇（台灣文史工作者）：老謝沒被統 難道是老共被統？ 詹惟淞（輔仁大學社會學系學生）：我們不需要中國民進黨 蔡勝雄（台灣南社社員）：不要亂拜祖媽 陳水泉（新北市民）：謝長廷的「破壞性模仿」 許俊輝（民進黨青年黨員，研究所學生）：青年黨員請教老謝 陳永苗（中國學者）：謝長廷，你才與我們作對 楊憲宏 吳錦發（台灣學者）：謝長廷調戲台灣人民 林進興（新北市金融業人士）：謝謝收看吧！ 林濁水（前民進黨立委）：不知中派 林濁水：謝交出一中 只換來一餐 林濁水：謝長廷兩岸破的什麼冰 林濁水：謝長廷大戰略之夢（蘋果日報） 林濁水：要各表哪部憲法（蘋果日報） 林濁水：「憲法各表」的精義就是「一中」（中國評論新聞） 林濁水：憲法各表就是一中（中時） 金恒煒：謝長廷到北京喝酒！誰買單？ 金恒煒：向權門投靠的陰險 金恒煒：民進黨爭著當國共「小三」？： 金恒煒：連莫言也比長仔敢言 金恒煒：謝長廷一直修理台獨 金恒煒：不要讓一顆老鼠屎壞了一鍋好飯 這些人的想法難道都是「本土報」可以隨便左右的？老包（詹錫奎）這種指控是不是太低估了台灣人的智慧，還是他自己智商太低？ 第二，公眾場合「耍流氓」，不顧自己臉面。 老包（詹錫奎）指控金恒煒「在本土報用文革式手法辱罵謝」，並罵金恒煒 「在本土報的專欄，打謝的技法，就是在家中耍流氓罷了。」 首先，什麼是「文革式手法」？作為在中國出生、親歷過文革的人，我對此非常清楚。文革的最根本問題，是毛澤東掌握了絕對權力，禁止任何不同聲音，用國家權力製造了輿論一律和政治專制。金恒煒在專欄中批評了謝長廷的中國之行，謝不僅完全可以反駁，他還可以用前民進黨主席和現任中常委等頭銜地位開「記者會」辯解，更有老包（詹錫奎）的網站為謝背書，他們享有充分的言論自由，這怎麼成了「文革」？容我不謙虛地給老包（詹錫奎）當一次老師：文革的罪惡是用行政手段扼殺言論，和言論本身並無多大關係。如果沒有行政上的專制手段，文字本身越惡劣，其存活率越低，根本都不可怕！只看見文字內容，而無視背後的行政手段，是對專制，對文革的嚴重無知！ 如果說金恒煒的批評比較尖銳，那也跟文革毫無關係。在美國的報刊上，專欄作家對政治人物尖銳批評，甚至痛斥，不僅是司空見慣，更是人人恨不得自己能更尖刻到位一點呢。從未見人指控誰是什麼「中國的文革」，因為人家知道，文革是只讓一家胡亂罵，而不讓別人說話。老包是攻訐心切，還是把自己包裹在井底，不見世界？ 其次，老包（詹錫奎）把金恒煒在自由時報寫的文章罵為「就是在家中耍流氓罷了」，這才是一副流氓腔調呢。金恒煒寫的是專欄文章，你可以不同意他的觀點，跟他辯論，怎麼可以把這種文章稱為「在家中耍流氓」？按照這種邏輯，那老包（詹錫奎）在自己網站上發表這樣的文字，又是什麼？這種人不是唾沫落到自己臉上，把自己塗抹成一個「文化流氓嘴臉」了嗎？ 第三，靠翻舊賬壯膽的齷齪。 老包（詹錫奎）對金恒煒的批謝文章不滿，本應就事論事，就此進行討論和辯論。但是，老包可能是講不出道理，或者是自感理屈，就詞窮到翻金恒煒的舊賬，說什麼當年金恒煒做他的雜誌總編輯時是「反台獨」的。這都不用調查，就讓人感到不像是那麼回事：老包自視台獨元老，那他主持一本雜誌，怎麼可能請「反台獨」者當總編輯？金恒煒因體力不支辭職時，你為什麼還要全力挽留？另外，這本雜誌（黑白新聞周刊）是辜寬敏出資的，台獨大老怎會同意聘請「反台獨」者主持編務？老包為了政見不同，居然不惜編造這種毫不符合常識邏輯的故事。 而且就在幾年前，金恒煒遭到泛藍幹將林正杰毆打時，老包還曾寫文章（《金恒煒啟示》）仗義執言，讚美金恒煒當年放棄《中國時報》副刊主編位置，「投向『黨外』的自由主義浪潮，並以外省人『紅五類』身分，自甘為本土派獨立運動發聲奉獻。」 稱讚「金恒煒的英勇行為會讓很多台灣人汗顏……」，並結論說，「金恒煒的故事，或許是台灣人浴火重生的重要啟示。」可今天就因為對謝長廷的中國之行見解不同，就如此詆毀金恒煒。難道老包絞盡腦汁為討好謝長廷，而把腦子絞壞、人格分裂了？ 第四，影射金恒煒做國策顧問拿錢的卑劣。 老包（詹錫奎）的攻訐還在於，提到金恒煒在陳水扁第二任總統內獲得「有給職國策顧問」。意思是金恒煒從陳水扁那裡獲得好處。扁案發生後，那些呼籲捍衛陳水扁司法人權的人，常被這樣攻擊——你拿了陳水扁的錢。在他們眼裡，做過兩屆八年、為台灣民主作出重大貢獻的台灣人總統，就可以被國民黨政治清算迫害到死，別人也不可發出一點不平之聲。金恒煒大聲疾呼捍衛陳水扁前總統的司法人權，不僅不是他的污點，恰恰體現他的勇敢，他有道德良知！這跟他曾擔任「國策顧問」沒有因果關係。而且他做了有給職國策顧問，獲得了兩年的給職薪金，又怎麼樣？他們夫婦為台灣的民主和獨立，奉獻了太多，犧牲了太多，哪是兩年的顧問薪金能夠補償的？金恒煒和他太太張文翊原來都在《中國時報》做編輯。在 「中時」和「聯合」兩大報主宰的時代，僅做個版面主編，就不僅有豐厚的薪水，還有體面的社會地位。但他們夫婦就是因為追求台灣的民主，反對國民黨專制，才離開的中國時報。他們夫婦創辦《當代》雜誌，引進歐美自由主義思潮，推動台灣民主。他們獨辦雜誌，倍嚐艱辛，更賠進去一棟房子錢。 正因為金恒煒這樣推動台灣民主和獨立，後來才被《自由時報》請去寫專欄，但在二千年總統大選時，自由時報老闆因支持李登輝而支持了連戰，但金恒煒卻力挺民進黨候選人陳水扁。他為堅持自己的理念，而放棄了《自由時報》，去給立場深綠的《台灣日報》寫「專欄」。無論從待遇、稿費，還是影響力，兩報都無法同日而語。後來「台日」關門，金恒煒的一年多稿費都沒錢發。但這就是金恒煒，這種不為五斗米折腰的知識分子氣節，在台灣藍綠兩派中，都是罕見的！對金恒煒的這種歷史，老包不會不清楚，但還要拿有給職國策顧問做文章，實在是以「包藏禍心」度君子之腹！ 第五，抹黑攻擊金恒煒妻子的下作。 老包（詹錫奎）的文章，還特意提到金恒煒的夫人張文翊，說她到雜誌社為反台獨而「氣呼呼的向我嗆聲」「咆哮」，則更不像是事實。據我們夫婦跟張文翊的認識接觸，她不要說「咆哮」，連慷慨激昂都不沾邊，她說話柔聲細氣，而且為人相當低調，是那種我們非常欣賞的不張狂、更不以丈夫怎麼樣就水漲船高的類型。不僅是我們，熟悉金恒煒夫婦的，恐怕都知道張文翊的這種性格。起碼我們夫婦認為，老包的描述和我們認識的金恒煒夫人完全不一樣。 當然老包可能強辯，這是他的經歷，因沒有第三者見證，而無法確定。但是，起碼老包的這種扯別人妻子的做法，完全不可被接受。兩個男人因為政治觀點不同，完全可以一對一的辯論，甚至打筆賬，但扯上對方的妻子，則不僅是品味低到不可理喻，更暴露出一種品質。這就像武林比賽，打不過高手，就跑去把人家老婆揪出來揍一頓，連最原始部落的武林規矩都沒有了。這不是跟背後下毒、放暗箭的性質一樣嗎？ 如果老包（詹錫奎）認為兩人因為政治觀點不同，而可以扯對方的妻子，那麼我寫一篇扯上詹錫奎太太的文章（坊間傳言沸沸，看來也不是很難），老包是不是願意，是不是同意？難道只有「用其人之道治其人之身」，他才能感受到是怎麼回事嗎？ 不僅對金恒煒夫婦的經歷老包（詹錫奎）涉嫌編故事，對這次謝長廷的中國之行，老包歌頌的「四大成就」更令人質疑是「編故事」。因為他提到，這次謝長廷去中國：第一，不卑不亢；第二，將台灣得來不易的民主經驗，拿來和對岸分享；第三，替弱勢台商爭取照顧；第四，大大方方為台灣爭取參與國際組織的空間。 請問包先生，你大包大攬的這四項成就哪家媒體有過報導？第一，謝長廷到中國祭祖假哭，丟盡了台灣人的臉，這怎麼算「不卑不亢」？第二，謝長廷在中國什麼時候公開提過台灣的民主和凍蒜？在哪裡能看到這個報導？第三，謝長廷在中國怎麼為「弱勢台商爭取照顧」的？具體做法在哪裡？第四，謝長廷在中國什麼時候提過台灣的主權，怎麼爭取台灣參與國際組織的？請拿出事實？否則讀者有權提出，《新台灣新聞周刊》的主編跟國民黨泛藍媒體類似了，也是講瞎話，編假新聞，愚弄大眾。謝長廷去見許信良，公開說到中國不要談敏感問題，自己已露了饀。 但是，這篇包先生的大作，已是包裹裡露出一點馬腳：他的文章透露（他暗示跟謝長廷關係近到有點什麼大事謝都要跟他密談），謝長廷這次到中國，在跟中國統戰高官、被老包稱為胡錦濤代表的中共國務委員戴秉國密談時，戴勸謝要「有點耐心」、「需要時間」，並舉例說「當年國民黨在聯合國阻撓我們，我們也花了很長的時間努力。」 共產黨的所謂「有點耐心」「需要時間」，並強調中共進入聯合國代表「中國」，很可能就是向謝長廷強調，雙方要對「一個中國」、兩岸終極統一「有點耐心」，它「需要時間」。那麼令人好奇的是，謝長廷對什麼問題「著急」，才引起胡錦濤的代表這樣勸導他？是不是他這次到中國，推銷一個中國（憲法各表）過於急迫？是不是共產黨、國民黨跟謝長廷已達成默契，三方要「有點耐心」地推動？根據老包文章的披露，國民黨已經把謝長廷的「憲法共識，憲法各表」列入台灣的高考試題，可想而知，馬英九們是多麼喜歡由謝長廷提出「一個中國」，這對台灣民眾有多大的洗腦作用。 謝長廷到底在中國跟共產黨密談（承諾）了什麼？跟國民黨有哪些默契？這些，都不是挺謝的老包用語言暴力打金恒煒就可以遮掩的。 金恒煒曾被林正杰肢體暴力「毆打」，現在又遭老包語言暴力「打」。但金恒煒並不畏縮恐懼，繼續寫出他那種探針擊中七寸的尖銳文章。我們今天聲援金恒煒，就是支持這種即使剩下一個人，也要發出自己真實聲音的價值，就是支持這種「雖千萬人吾往矣」的獨立精神，就是支持言論自由的理念。而只有這種價值理念被更多的台灣知識分子認同和追求，台灣才會有真正的希望！ 2012年10月31日於美國

我們以前都是日本人

[我們1945年以前出生的台灣人，有誰不曾是日本人?    被 "共匪" 徹底擊垮，倉皇狼狽逃難來台灣的戰敗者、執政無能的投降主義者，不僅僅以槍桿強取豪奪，又將貪污風氣引進台灣，更會無恥地說些混帳話!  筆者還記得在成功中學時，被一黨派中國人三民主義老師 "稱讚"，說: "他很聰明，不像台灣人" !! (你會有甚麼感覺??)    又有一次，被一軍訓教官，因為台下的學生都在講台灣話，大聲地喝罵: "誰講土話?!"。筆者當時才十二、三歲，常混講台語、日語，只感覺心中憤怒異常，卻不知道如何反應。(這個學校當時是KMT黨軍出身者混飯吃的重要據點之一，蔣孝文登記為學生，我應該是低它一年，從沒看到混血面孔的他上學，只聽聞他會帶一卡車軍人，到對面法商學院操場和另一派流氓群鬥!  潘振球當六年校長，據說就是為了要 "護主"。 以後潘因鼓勵學生國慶雨中遊行、倡導各種三民主義、愛國活動，得了很多 "大功"，步步高升! 成功中學似乎也從此，由第一流中學降級。好個教育家!) 現在呢? 貪汙已經成為KMT高官的標誌，從各種超巨額建設收受超巨額回扣，到總統最親信的人物，一一忙著收刮。 總統身旁"律師議員" 被查，就有人通信，趕快將貪汙證據送往海外!! (好個台灣律師!)    有些總統愛將高官，一邊台上高聲斥責貪汙者，一回家就叫來商家索賄!!  真是無恥之極，世界罕聞，疽蟲還會自嘆不如!!  還有人自己雙重國籍違法當議員，還敢在議會大聲責罵官員的雙重國籍，逼他辭職!!  自己被抓，還拒絕歸返違法取得的薪資，還會被判無事，享受大筆財產養老。  這就是KMT治國數十年後的台灣社會。 筆者返台，到一公立單位，有一位承包商告訴我，每一公家單位，來了新任主管，就要新建築、新採購，每一件交易，主管收取的回扣 "公定價碼" 是 30%。有一主管特別貪，要50%!  承包商受不了，向上級主管申訴。 上級主管要他們 "再商討，合議"。 結果一番你來我往地 paraken 猜拳談判之後，他們決定: "10%的回扣是 很公道 " !!!  這不是笑話，承包商看我是自美返台學者，應該有不同的道德思考準則，告訴我這個令我大開眼界的內幕新聞。 "吃回扣"，在KMT圈內，是當官者應有的常識!  這就是KMT執政者的世界。看那些購買台北高價地段高級公寓的KMT權貴們，問問他們財產來源吧。(還有一個令人噴飯的故事，是該醫院人員告訴我的。一個 "XXX長" ，上任後就要各醫院買新病床，有一家醫院，買了之後，那些病床卻過不了病房的門，據說是不敢退貨，只好放到儲藏室! ) "公家主管" 是如此的肥缺，結果，和KMT有關係者爭相送高額紅包給上司或有權者，要爭取主管職。當上主管之後，要撈回 "投資"，各方索賄，是必然的事。 廣為傳聞的、應該是真實的故事: 有位學者當 "XXX長"，一當上，就忙著將手下主管級人物，如Las Vegas 玩牌式的，東翻西轉，才幾年，退休時是財產以億計。     他們沒有被抓，一方面是因為互相都知道對方弱點，官官相護，互相通訊警告，另一方面是，這些主管也會給知道內幕消息的手下親信，一些甜點吃吃，塞住他們嘴巴。 很多依附KMT的台灣人，也是同流合汙，和 KMT 結合越密，就越汙!    不過，現在檢察官似乎是腰桿直了些，會稍微看管得更緊了些。是否看到目前KMT繼續執政的可能性不大，就敢於多抓一些KMT貪汙官員?  但是查到 "很高官" 還是龜縮。  檢察官，加油!  法官，加油! 現在KMT還有一個手法，如果自己高官被抓貪汙，毫無辯白的餘地，KMT會趕快將民進黨的、或是將會常常批評貪汙的清白人士，也隨便告他們一狀貪汙罪!  也把他們能抓就抓、能查就查，能夠在新聞媒體登的越響亮、越聳動、越好。 目的就是要讓廣大選民以為，"KMT不是最貪的，你看! 民進黨、甚麼黨，那些會批評我們的人，都一樣貪嘛!"  以後民進黨、清白人士被証實確實清白，媒體也不會報導，也不會有人注意。而且，已經留下可以令不會辯白是非、不知事情真相的人，竊竊私語、避免見面的口實。 KMT的目的達到了啦，這些人當然是清白、無罪，也受傷了啦!    選民觀念中，KMT已經不是無比貪污的啦!     KMT 是我了解世界各國之中，最多狠步、最多奧步的ㄧ群(之一)。甚麼齷蹙手法都能做得出、都敢執行。台灣年輕人不知KMT底細，不知他們會玩甚麼把戲； 老一輩的，則貪取KMT丟給他們吃的小便宜，結果選出這批人繼續執政，希望不會是以後百年後悔不及的 "千古恨"哦。 我接觸的大多數台灣人還是誠實、守法，希望不做違法的勾當，心中隨時坦蕩蕩。 因為李登輝、陳水扁時期台灣人主權意識、以及民主化的根基打得很深，台灣人可以有自己選擇生活方式的權利。 我相信台灣人不要當其他國的二等國民，不要成為貪汙王國的一部分。台灣人要獨立，要生活在崇尚自由、民主、公平法治的國家，成為百分之百，自己的主人。  這個選擇是在台灣人手中。 KMT趁他們勢眾，還會有很多把戲。 公投法需要 "所有選民" 50%贊成才能通過，這種高門檻就是他們的把戲之一。世界各國都是以:  "前往投票者大多數通過"，為其依據。     目前馬政府持續輸入很多中國人來台，增加他們KMT票源，更能很大聲地說，我們選擇受中國人統治，是台灣人的選擇。  台灣人該如何呢??] *************************** 我們以前都是日本人-1 ◎ 李道勇 日本人的兒子比中國人的兒子低賤嗎？你可知道中央研究院院士、國際知名的水產養殖專家廖一久先生，還有曾任台中縣長、內政部長、總統府秘書長，現任亞東關係協會會長的廖了以先生，都是日本人生的孩子嗎？甚至他倆的祖母也是日本人，你知道嗎？日治五十年，台日間的姻緣，可有多少混血兒？ 我生於一九三九年的台灣，我自然成為日本人，我就是不甘願也沒辦法拒絕，何況二戰期間要憑「家甲簿」（現稱戶口名簿）去領配給物資。 戰後，蔣介石政權沒有經過台灣人的選擇或同意，不顧國際法，強迫我的父母跟外祖父母，以及當時具有日本國籍的台灣人變成中華民國國籍。 我進入「桂林路」老松國小（艋舺公學校）以後，卻要聆聽員林實驗中學來的「山東仔」教訓「你們這些日本龜兒子，不要再講日本話！」又有退除役官兵轉業的「廣東腔」要我們「小日本鬼子要講國語！」對於這些侮辱，我們無從抗議，只能偷偷罵他們清國奴或支那兵。 中華民族主義之所以在台灣橫行霸道，就是因為這些「ＫＭＴ權貴」，以道統純正與否，決定忠奸，挾「大中華沙文主義」的刀刃，寄生於台灣卻打算出賣台灣。 （作者為文史工作者）   我們以前都是日本人-2 ◎ 沈中章 本人對於「李登輝是日本人私生子」這件事沒興趣，倒是文中提到「仇日進而輕台」，引發我對過去所受的國民黨教育的省思。 家父和李前總統一樣都出生於日本統治時期，因此都曾是日本人。家父至今已八十多歲，仍懷念日本時代，對中國反而沒有好感，他認為當年國民黨逃難來台，只是過客，貪婪掠奪，不認同這塊土地，而日本人把台灣當成自己的國土（南國），用心經營。家父說日本總督明石元二郎將屍骨埋在台灣，蔣介石卻只想埋在中國。 我出生於國民黨統治時期，在黨國體制的教育下「仇日進而輕台」，國民黨教導我五千年悠久的中國歷史，對台灣歷史卻甚少著墨；國民黨教導我民國史，可是台灣日治時期五十年，卻是一片空白；國民黨教導我八年抗戰、南京大屠殺，教導我仇日，可是在白先勇的「父親與民國」一書中提到八年抗戰中的崑崙關戰役，日本的部隊竟然有「台灣混成旅團」，那麼中日戰爭豈不也是中台戰爭？ 如果若干監察委員代表中國人的觀點，家父和李前總統代表日本人的觀點，那麼我們這群四、五、六年級生，是否應該以台灣人的觀點，重讀「台灣島史」呢？ （作者為婦產科醫師）

駁監院報告 李：求上帝赦免他們 〔記者李欣芳／新竹報導〕監察院調查報告引用學者戚嘉林的見解，懷疑李登輝前總統的生父是日本人，李登輝昨首度駁斥說，沒有這回事，這些人都是有目的，「我祈禱，求上帝赦免這些人」，因為他們犯了罪，所做的事會失敗。 在監院報告引發爭議後，監察院長王建煊更語出驚人地說，「好像是用大砲打小鳥，但那個鳥不好，要打嘛！」王並以國安會前秘書長蔣緯國的身世為例，認為如果這類「身分敏感」者的身世能澄清，人民會覺得更舒坦一點。 李登輝昨南下新竹市參訪，媒體詢問，最近監察院對你很不尊重？李登輝說：「我不會生氣」，因為他知道對方的目的，祈求上帝赦免他們啦！ 李登輝表示，最近他看報紙與電視報導這些事，實在很想笑，如果出面回應事實不是這樣，對方又會搬出其他的理由，還是煩惱台灣的事情比較重要，至於他的心情則沒受到影響。 對於李登輝規劃下月初前往日本，到神奈川和東京兩地發表演說，李登輝說，時間到了，能去就去，但他日前身體不適住院住了五天，出院後要等再次檢查身體後再做最後決定。他說，最近身體的毛病比較多，前天又痛風，說不定屆時醫師會建議他不要去。   我們以前都是日本人-3 ◎ 林俊安 監察院長王建煊曾言監察院應辦大案，不要整天弄些小孬孬的案子，如今一個「擁護馬兼任主席及總統」的謬論，加上調查「李前總統是何國籍」的報告，引發「大砲打小鳥」的爭議，卻還大言不慚的說「鳥不好，就該打」。 既然身為監察院長，就應該有責任匡正時局，而不是整天洗腳以彰孝心、傳道而顯私心、公器私用強辯無心、胡搞瞎搞假裝用心…這只顯示「聖人」的世界與百姓異常。如果王聖人那麼喜歡追查國籍，那何不來查查現任總統的國籍問題？或是乾脆去當歷史學者查個夠？位尊而事微，就不值得納稅人來花錢養這個孬孬院了！ （作者為公務員） 笨蛋混蛋哥倆好 當今大總統與監察院長真是天生寶一對，最近專說些混話、黑話，丟人現眼。古人說︰士大夫之無恥，是謂國恥，應是對馬王最佳的形容。 何謂混話？某報對馬英九的專訪是最好的註解。馬英九面對質疑，經常使出「謝謝指教」的伎倆閃避，因此這個專訪至少作了一個功德，讓馬說出真心話，證明英國經濟學人封其為「bumbler（笨蛋）」，實至名歸，絕非污衊。 稍有常識的人，不會把坐飛機、吃瘦肉精美牛的風險，與核能相提並論。試問，哪一次墜機的慘劇，可以跟三哩島、車諾比、福島核災相比？吃瘦肉精美牛所受的傷害，也絕對抵不上遭到核輻射污染。更何況核廢料問題至今無解，馬卻宣稱「科學也在進步」，顯得不以為然。這些混話馬偏偏用一副講理的表情說出來，似乎想把人民氣死。 至於王建煊以監察院長之尊，不打老虎，卻專門教授夫妻敦倫的姿態，甚至用「鳥」來形容李登輝前總統，說什麼：「那個鳥不好，要打嘛！」這種說話方式哪像讀書人的風格，簡直就是落草為寇的賊頭，或是地痞流氓的黑話。 一位政府的頭頭，本該領導全民向前行，卻走錯方向，一路向西，愚蠢至極，難怪博得笨蛋的國際風評！而監察院的頭頭，本應澄清吏治，打擊貪瀆，卻事前不制止委員杜撰、造謠李登輝是日本人的私生子，事後更以「打鳥論」力挺，混蛋至此，令人搖頭。

美國聯邦眾議員提案呼籲美國重建與台灣外交關係並廢除一中政策

Formosan Association for Public Affairs 552 7th Street. SE. Washington, DC 20003, USA

Support Democracy, Support Taiwan For Immediate Release Washington D C - April 10, 2013 Contact: 202-547-3686 U.S. REPRESENTATIVES INTRODUCE RESOLUTION CALLING FOR U.S.-TAIWAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS AND END TO U.S. ONE CHINA POLICY WASHINGTON (April 10, 2013) – U.S. Representatives Michael McCaul (R-TX) and Robert Andrews (D-NJ) today introduced a resolution calling upon the United States government to resume diplomatic relations with Taiwan and to end the U.S. One China Policy. Of the five countries in the world that the United States government currently does not diplomatically recognize (Iran, North Korea, Cuba, Bhutan and Taiwan), Taiwan is the only democracy. The resolution underscores that Taiwan "has been a steadfast ally of the United States and a responsible and compassionate member of the world community." Similar resolutions were introduced in previous Congresses by former Reps. Tom Tancredo (R-CO), John Linder (R-GA), and by Rep. McCaul himself – all staunch Taiwan supporters in the U.S. House of Representatives. The McCaul/Andrews resolution urges that: (1) the President should abandon the fundamentally flawed `One China Policy' in favor of a more realistic `One China, One Taiwan Policy' that recognizes Taiwan as a sovereign and independent country, separate from the Communist regime in Beijing; (2) the President should begin the process of resuming normal diplomatic relations with Taiwan; and (3) the President, the Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations, and other relevant United States officials should aggressively support Taiwan's full participation in the United Nations and any other international organization of which the United States is a member, and for which statehood is a requirement for membership. FAPA President Mark Kao Ph.D. states: "China's Communist Government continues to force nations around the world to choose between Taipei or Beijing. However, maintaining separate recognition with both China AND Taiwan would be an excellent model for those nations which seek to have diplomatic ties with both governments in a mutually beneficial relationship." Dr. Kao, adds: "Introduction of the resolution reflects the sense within the U.S. Congress that the U.S. ‘One China Policy' is increasingly untenable, as it is clearly outdated, and out of touch with the unmistakable reality that Taiwan is a free, democratic, independent and sovereign nation. By adopting a more realistic and pragmatic ‘One China, One Taiwan' policy, the United States can set an example for other countries in the world to establish diplomatic relations with Taiwan as well." * * * * * 美國聯邦眾議員提案呼籲美國重建與台灣外交關係並廢除一中政策 華府訊（2013年4月10日）─美國德州共和黨眾議員麥考（Michael McCaul）與紐澤西州民主黨共議員安德魯斯（Robert Andrews）於今天提案，呼籲美國政府重建與台灣之外交關係，並廢除一中政策。 美國政府目前在外交關係上，不承認的五個國家中（伊朗、北韓、古巴、不丹，以及台灣），只有台灣是民主國家。這項決議案並強調台灣「一直以來都是美國的穩定盟友，以及有責任心及同情心的國際社會成員。」 前科羅拉多州共和黨眾議員唐克多（Tom Tancredo）、前喬治亞州共和黨眾議員林德爾（John Linder）與麥考議員等美國眾院中的台灣支持者，都曾於過去的院會中提出過相似的決議案。 今次提出的決議案中呼籲：（一）美國總統應揚棄大有瑕疵的一中政策，改採符合現狀的「一中一台」政策以承認台灣為一主權獨立國家；（二）美國總統應展開與台灣復交的相關程序；（三）美國總統、美國常駐聯合國代表，以及其他相關之美國官員，應積極支持台灣完全參與聯合國及其他需以國家身份入會的國際組織。 台灣人公共事務會會長高龍榮博士表示：「中共政府持續強迫世界各國於台北與北京中間擇一，然而，對尋求與雙邊政府都能有互利關係的國家而言，能與兩國皆保持外交關係是最好的依循模式。」 高博士補充：「此決議案的提案也反映出美國國會認為『一中政策』已愈發不何時宜，且已與台灣是一個自由、民主、主權獨立的國家這項事實背道而馳。美國如能採納較反應現況且實際的『一個中國、一個台灣』政策，並將對台灣關係正常化，將為其他國家樹立良好的典範。」

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Mr. McCAUL (And Mr. ANDREWS) submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs CONCURRENT RESOLUTION Expressing the sense of Congress that the United States should resume normal diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and for other purposes. Whereas the people of Taiwan have established a vibrant and pluralistic democracy; Whereas the people of Taiwan have conducted five successful presidential elections, successive elections for members of their national legislature, numerous local elections, and two national referendums; Whereas Taiwan has never been under the jurisdiction of the Communist government in Beijing, which continues to illegitimately claim sovereignty over Taiwan and its 23,000,000 citizens; Whereas the Shanghai Communique, which maintains that there is `One China' and that `Taiwan is part of China', was established without the consultation of Congress or the people of Taiwan; Whereas Communist China has since used the `One China Policy' to block Taiwan's membership and full participation in international organizations and events, ranging from the United Nations and the World Health Organization to the Olympics; Whereas the `One China Policy' is effectively obsolete, and does not reflect the obvious reality that Taiwan has been an independent and sovereign country for over half a century; Whereas Taiwan maintains diplomatic, cultural, and economic relations with several countries around the world; Whereas Taiwan and the United States maintained formal diplomatic relations until 1979; Whereas former President Jimmy Carter severed diplomatic ties with Taiwan in 1979 and terminated the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and Taiwan without consulting or seeking the approval of Congress; Whereas Congress responded later that year by adopting the Taiwan Relations Act, codifying into law the basis for continued friendly relations between the United States and Taiwan; Whereas former President Ronald Reagan issued the `Six Assurances' to Taiwan in July 1982, including the assurance that `[t]he United States would not formally recognize Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan.'; Whereas both the Taiwan Relations Act and the Six Assurances form the cornerstone of United States -Taiwan relations; and Whereas Taiwan has been a steadfast ally of the United States and a responsible and compassionate member of the world community: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the sense of Congress that-- (1) the President should abandon the fundamentally flawed `One China Policy' in favor of a more realistic `One China, One Taiwan Policy' that recognizes Taiwan as a sovereign and independent country, separate from the Communist regime in Beijing; (2) the President should begin the process of resuming normal diplomatic relations with Taiwan; and (3) the President, the Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations, and other relevant United States officials should aggressively support Taiwan's full participation in the United Nations and any other international organization of which the United States is a member, and for which statehood is a requirement for membership.

台灣不該建核能發電廠--該先廢除無理的公投法

台灣公投法要求有投票權的公民 50%贊成，才能通過，是無理! 因為有投票權者出來投票的常常不會超過60-70%，(應該是投票者中之50%贊成就可)。世界上沒有這種不講理的公投法!

(核四是超巨額交易，KMT不管人民死活，已經收過了超巨額回扣，現在看他們要如何收場!!)

The nation at nuclear crossroads

By Mei-chin Chen 陳美津 /

Thu, Apr 04, 2013 - Page 8

Taiwan is at the crossroads on the nuclear power issue: Should it go full speed ahead, finish the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant in New Taipei City’s (新北市) Gongliao District (貢寮) and continue to rely on nuclear power, as President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) government and Taiwan Power Co are advocating?

Or should the nation gradually phase out nuclear power and rely increasingly on renewable energy sources, including wind and solar power, as many in the democratic opposition and academic community are arguing?

The Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear power plant disaster in Japan two years ago has raised awareness of the dangers associated with nuclear power, as the reactors in Japan were similar to those used in Taiwan. This has led to a mushrooming of civic groups in Taiwan that are concerned about the safety of nuclear energy. These groups have become more vocal, calling on the Ma government to stop construction of the power plant in Gongliao.

These anti-nuclear civic groups were able to mobilize more than 100,000 people to participate in an anti-nuclear protest in downtown Taipei on March 9. The total number of protesters was more than 200,000 nationwide, if the protests held in Greater Kaohsiung, Greater Taichung, Greater Tainan and Taitung on the same day are included.

On that day, this writer stood on a street corner near the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial MRT station for nearly two hours and witnessed the colorful procession of protesters streaming by — the overwhelming majority of whom were young people and families with small children. The protesters wore ingenious costumes, and danced to music and drums in a festive atmosphere.

The tide against the continued construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant is also reflected in recent opinion polls showing that more than 73 percent and 70 percent of residents in New Taipei City and Taipei respectively are against continued construction. There is also dissent in the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) camp: Taipei Mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌) and many KMT legislators support halting the construction of the plant.

In its efforts to stem the tide against nuclear power, the Ma administration has pulled out all the stops in its public relations campaign to win support for completing construction of the plant and making it operational.

However, the most tricky move was the recent decision by the Ma government to hold a referendum by the end of this year on the nuclear power issue. Coming from a government that has always fought any referendum tooth and nail, this sudden turnabout is highly surprising.

The move is less surprising if one looks at the way the question is phrased: The voters will be asked to vote as follows: “Are you in favor of discontinuing the construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant?”

Even if 70 percent or 80 percent of the respondents vote that they are in favor of discontinuing construction, the referendum is likely to fail, because under the nation’s highly restrictive referendum law, passage requires that more than 50 percent of the registered voters express themselves in favor of the issue.

This is unlikely to happen, and the Ma government can then say that the referendum failed and proceed with completing the plant’s construction. A fairer way to go about it would be to drop the 50 percent of the registered voters requirement, or phrase the question as such: “Are you in favor of continuing the construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant?”

Aside from all the antics and rhetoric, we need to realize three basic facts: First, like Japan, Taiwan is located on a major seismic fault and no design will be safe enough to withstand a major shock, as we saw in Fukushima.

Second, Taiwan is a small and densely populated place: The Taipei metropolitan area (with about 7 million people) is only 40km from Gongliao, while the city of Keelung is only 20km to the northwest of the nuclear plant. In case of a catastrophic event, it will be impossible to evacuate that many people in a short time.

Third, because of its size, Taiwan has inadequate facilities to store nuclear waste. At present, much of the nation’s nuclear waste is stored on Lanyu (蘭嶼) — also known as Orchid Island — off the southeast coast of Taiwan, literally in the backyard of the Yami people. Unless Ma and the Taiwan power Co bosses agree to store the nuclear waste in their own backyard, nuclear power should be phased out sooner rather than later.

Mei-chin Chen is a commentator based in Washington.

Published on Taipei Times