2009年2月1日 星期日

台灣的將來

一生專攻醫學,對於經濟、政治、法律、新聞、等社會問題都是外行。可是也認為在民主社會,每一位公民都應具備基本的常識,而且也應該適時積極參與各種討論。又不是還在恐怖專制的蔣政權或中華人民共和國控制下,知識份子為什麼仍躲在「我對政治外行」的護照之下?近二十年來,網路發達,只要肯,什麼知識都可以坐在家裡就找得到,讀得到。因此平時從各種專家的言論學習,也可以逐漸形成自己的看法。


自從1965年體驗到美國以誠信為上的政風,再看到現在的台灣一黨獨大導致的歪斜風氣:政治人物對「誠信」一詞,視而不識,聽而不聞,只當耳邊風;應該維持社會正義的法務部,卻無民主國家基本法律常識,到被國外學者集體批評的地步,還不知恥、不知反省;政府的政策不平等地對待不同族群,意在綁樁軍公教人員,忽視勞工農民漁民;報人無職業倫理觀念,不報導正確的新聞,只為黨國欺瞞百姓。實在非常令我感慨。常常下載精闢的文章重複閱讀。雖然懷疑很多民眾確實是怕死、貪小利、而矇罩自己良心,但也寄望更多年輕讀書人會有正義感,會致力於改正社會風氣,建立一個健全的民主政黨政治。


又收錄 一月三十一日 自由時報的三篇。


第一篇,金恆偉轉述國際學者對台灣法界荒唐現象的批評,談到說謊話卻仍然穩坐官位的法務部長,將台灣的畸形「法治」現狀陳述得清楚無比;


第二篇,已退休知名物理學家「無序」對台灣政黨政治的將來走向一針見血,指出KMT以龐大的不法黨產綁樁,就是使這個不誠實的KMT一黨獨大的根本原因,應該另組政黨,設法討回不義黨產,更設立公正的選舉及公投制度;


第三篇,李筱峰指出很多台灣人怕死、愛錢,而是非不分,為了賺更多錢,寧可犧牲自己及別人的自由與人權。如果這種選民佔多數,台灣的民主、法治、平等、人權,還有希望嗎?


我們無法讓每一選民對於判斷社會及政治問題都成為「達人」,但應該可以期待有理性的選民能夠聽取「達人」的意見,自己作正確的決定;對台灣的將來有理想的KMT黨員也應該改邪歸正。


台灣人能覺醒嗎?


王清峰說謊


針對「馬統」發動司法追殺民進黨官員,尤其毫不避人耳目的操弄司法以達到羈押前總統陳水扁的目的,廿一位國際知名的學者專家已經連續發表三封公開信加以譴責,措辭一封比一封嚴厲。從第一封的「深切關注」到第二封的「擔憂」到第三封信的「駁斥」,可說砲火愈來愈火熱、愈來愈不顧情面。


第一封給馬英九的信,《新聞周刊》(Newsweek)譽為「前所未有」,立刻加以引用。接著號稱「馬統」老師的孔傑榮在專欄中摘用其論點,但是謹慎的保留某些看法;司法迫害手段益發加劇下,孔傑榮只能站在廿一位學者的一邊了。


廿一位學者的第二封信指名給法務部長王清峰,去年 十一月廿五日 見於英文報刊《台北時報》,特別點明「台灣司法的腐蝕」。王清峰立刻做出回應,一一說明,也一一辯解、洗刷「政治力介入」的質疑。


一月廿四日的第三封信是條列式的用「具體要點」拆穿王清峰的答辯;老實說,就是指控王清峰說謊。


第一個要點是正面的告訴王清峰,她援引德國、日本、美國來證成「審前羈押制」是「合乎正當法律程序」,全然不能接受;尤其台灣司法「全面使用」與孔傑榮所說「應該很少使用」背反,更指出「僅用於現任和前任民進黨官員」破壞了「司法系統的公正性」。第三封信開宗明義的正告王清峰,所謂「貪瀆犯罪……並無選擇性辦案」,不能取信於人;王清峰說謊。


第二點關於「押人取供」的答辯,公開信認為「完全不正確」,打了回票;第三點針對「收押人與律師討論被錄音錄影」,公開信指出王全然「忽略不提」,指控王沒說實話。


第四點用「事實」反駁王清峰所說:偵查過程「調查資料只能透過檢察官辦公室披露」,根本不實;王清峰騙人。同時也抨擊法務部以「洩密」入扁律師鄭文龍於罪,是「政治偏見的直接確認」。


第五點指出「特偵組」用「手銬」和「羈押」辦扁案是「偏袒方式」,從而拆穿王清峰否認「司法受到政治操縱」,明確的指出台灣司法很難有「公正審判」。


第六點更有趣。王清峰引用美國國務院回應台灣司法的聲明當自我「背書」;公開信特別指出「在國際外交語言,『我們預期所有事情』此一術語的意思是『我們很擔心,並會仔細關注』」,王清峰拿美國話騙外國人,卻遭吐槽,說謊說到爪哇國去!


有怎樣的主子就有怎樣的奴才,反之亦然!從馬看王或從王看馬,騙騙騙,一也。(作者金恒煒為《當代》雜誌總編輯)


新年組新黨 追老K黨產


◎ 無序


牛年新希望,在此綠營潰不成軍時,也是展現台灣牛堅忍精神,結合所有本土力量組織新「台灣民主黨」與「中國國民黨」鼎足而立,「牛」轉一黨獨大的權力失衡,同時在台灣建立兩黨政治的新契機。


中國國民黨重新執政後,以前分裂出去的小黨實質上已經歸順,藍軍顯現一片融合景象。反之民進黨因陳水扁前總統涉嫌嚴重貪污與洗錢案,和黨內互相指責敗選責任歸屬的內鬥,加上台聯因李前總統登輝核心價值曖昧失去力量,綠營陷入暗無天日之境。


危機正是轉機,綠營與其依靠私怨滿腹的殘兵敗將苟延殘喘,不如放空一切重生,開始組織新「台灣民主黨」,結合具有思變和本土思維的志士,以政治理念的不同和「中國國民黨」競爭對抗。


舉凡政黨,黨員必須團結在堅定的政治理念之下,台灣民主黨,顧名思義要以台灣人的民治、民有和民享為理想,追求台灣人民的自由和自主。這些理想可由強力推動公正選舉與公投制度的制定,健全國家經濟建設的規劃,和周全社會福利與環境保護政策的建立等來實踐。


民主政治基於政黨的公平競爭,台灣之不幸演變成一黨獨大,最主要因素在中國國民黨的龐大黨產。這些黨產是專制政權的遺產,取之不公不義,卻成為扼殺民主政治的綁樁和買票利器。台灣民主黨要生存,首先必須號召民眾追討屬於全民的中國國民黨黨產。


台灣民主黨要成長壯大,人民必須能分辨清楚台灣民主黨和中國國民黨政治理念的差異:亦即台灣意識對大中國意識,和照顧弱勢團體對擁抱強勢財團。本土意識的培植可從發揚鄉土文化著手,照應弱勢可從倡議改革稅制與工農政策起步。


欲速則不達,綠營要有耐心,制定長遠茁壯計畫,深入民間,一步一腳印,堅忍地邁向絕大多數台灣人民的終極夢想。


(作者為退休教授,知名物理學家)


《李筱峰專欄》愛錢的台灣人


「恭喜發財!」「恭喜大賺錢!」「招財進寶」,過年期間,到處都可聽到看到這些祝賀發財的話語。春聯更赤裸裸地表明期待「財源滾滾達三江」的心機。這大概是華人文化圈與西方基督教社會一大迥異之處。西方人過耶誕節或新年時,大多祝賀「平安」、「快樂」,不以「發財賺錢」為訴求。教堂裡的基督徒,也絕不像廟裡的信眾向神明提出「開運招財」的要求。紅包更是華人社會一大文化特色,拿壓歲錢是華人社會的小孩過年時的一大期待,而西方小孩期待聖誕老公公送來的禮物,通常不會是現金。


不知道是否因為過去中國人窮怕了,所以把愛錢的動機表達得最直接而露骨。台灣人受中國文化影響,在這方面也毫不多讓。


十九世紀末,日本來台的民政長官後藤新平指出,台灣人的民族性格是「怕死」、「愛錢」、「愛面子」。因此在台實施恩威並濟的殖民政策。


台灣俗話甚至還有「愛錢」超過「怕死」的表達,例如「見錢死」一詞,即在形容為錢而死的意思。又例如「殺頭生意有人做,了錢(賠錢)生意無人做」這句俗語亦有類似之意。


為了錢,連命都賠了,更遑論會顧得什麼社會正義、國家整體發展,或其他更高的價值?


台灣人為了錢而至於敵我不分的情形,不乏史例。一八八四年清法戰爭爆發,法軍攻打基隆(民間所謂「走西仔反」),一位參戰的法國小兵Jean L.目睹台灣人愛錢的情形,敘述說:他們很愛錢,有利潤永遠不嫌多,巴不得做法軍的生意。官方禁止人民賣東西給法軍,違者處死,但為了賺錢,華人(指台灣漢人)仍冒險出售商品給法軍,不分敵我,生意至上;還有為了領賞,道德良心擺一旁,設下一些卑鄙陷阱來謀財害命,「為了錢不擇手段的作為很慘忍又野蠻」(見《孤拔元帥的小水手》)。


愛錢愛到敵我不分的現象,於今猶存。觀諸「錢進中國」的台商,屢見不鮮。為了自己賺錢,台灣的主權、人權,統統可以擺一邊。這種商人在一般民主國家並不多見,但是在台灣卻已形塑成「愛錢文化」。


上月全國發放消費券,各媒體爭相報導這件「很開心」的事。許多領了消費券的民眾在接受媒體訪問時,個個連呼「很開心」、「很高興」。有位民眾拿到消費券,還高呼「馬總統我愛你」,真令人啼笑皆非!發放消費券是為了因應經濟蕭條、景氣低迷。消費券意味著我們經濟蕭條、景氣低迷,開心什麼?就好比一個人領取失業救濟金,表示他失業了,有啥好高興的?況且八百億的消費券是債留子孫,又不是發還國民黨侵占自國家的黨產,而且此舉是否奏效,還是未知數,不知大家在歡喜什麼?只因為有錢拿?


我想起黃春明小說〈蘋果的滋味〉裡面那個在五○年代的窮人家小孩,因為家長被美軍軍車撞傷住院,吃起美軍送來的蘋果而開心的情形。那些領了消費券而笑逐顏開的人,如果回到那個時代,該不會也為了吃個珍貴的蘋果而期待多發生幾次車禍吧?


台灣人愛錢果真愛得如此厚顏無恥,也怪不得五十多年來國民黨可以透過買票和各種小惠,來贏得選舉,掌握政權。


為了錢,可以把權利讓渡給政客;為了錢,可以把國家主權讓渡給敵人;為了錢,可以將民主自由人權任人踐踏!台灣人不知還要犯賤到幾時?


(作者李筱峰現任國立台北教育大學台灣文化研究所教授,本文同時收錄於http://www.jimlee.org.tw)


 


2009年1月22日 星期四

Jerome Cohen (孔傑榮)

再增錄一篇美國的台灣專家關心國內法治觀念逐漸消失的報導。2009-01-28


下面有三篇文章,都該收錄在我的部落格上。


Jerome Alan Cohen教授是紐約大學法律學教授,向來關心中國及台灣的政治、法律,曾經於1970年代從中國牢獄,營救出韓戰後被關閉二十年的飛行員John T. Downey而有名。馬英九就是他在哈佛大學任職時的學生。


Cohen教授最近透過Associated Press的記者PETER ENAV,嚴厲批評台灣法界行徑,在法務部長王清峰領頭的「法律日」,由法官、檢察官、及其他法界高階人士一起聚會中,用諷刺喜劇嘲弄正在被調查、尚未定罪的陳水扁。這種在文明國家不可能見到的、毫無法學修養的行為,他說好像是馬戲團上演,不可思議(unthinkable);只在七、八個月內,有人意欲將台灣政治過去十五年來的進步一掃而光。他還指出只有馬英九才能糾正這種風氣。(這正指出台灣法治精神的大幅退步,是馬本人的所為!) 台灣的法界人士的守法觀念已經淪落到令外國人關心、投書,法務部、總統府還不願承認錯誤、改進,才是我們該痛心、警戒的重點。


再看金恆偉揭穿偏藍、偏國民黨的新聞媒體如何扭曲這位「孔傑榮」教授幾篇批評目前台灣國民黨政府的文章。當然這只是舉例,其他扭曲事實的、不合記者職業倫理的報導,是「罄竹難書」。台灣民眾能夠依賴這種報紙得到正確的訊息、判斷國家政策是否正確,才怪!


馬英九上任「中華民國總統」大位之後的所作所為,皆以和中國迅速統一為唯一目標,除此之外幾乎樣樣違反三月總統選舉前對台灣選民的承諾。再加上其能力之差,不僅國內藍綠兩派老少都同意,連新加坡李光耀都會批評他的作風[缺少智慧],似是打牌時掀光底牌。這種沒有誠信又腦筋不夠靈光的人,不要說是政治領導人,連一個學校、公司恐怕都無法讓他主持。


看看目前國家經濟已將陷入窘境,其次將是國防崩潰、主權消失。前幾天還透露:中華民國外交部的日曆竟有中共國慶日、毛澤東生日列為假日,才駭人聽聞。當然這不是無能,這是他們為了試試水溫、看國民反應而下的小手腳。一國的外交部門無恥至此,還能說什麼!


現在很多人因失業、生活陷入困境,小孩失學,有人餓死,有人凍死。作為一國領導者,還會電視前說笑、裝可愛;去購買游泳褲,故意張在電視前,是否把選民當傻瓜?妳們還不會噁心?


國民黨政權逐漸恢復過去控制人民行為的社會,設法繼續其政權,維護自身利益。很多國民黨高官極力傾中,還不是為他們自己家人在中國的商業利益?他們才不理你一般民眾勞工的權益!這些高官權貴的家屬在中國做什麼生意,可以要求他們列舉,馬上就知道。


觀察到其他文明國的政治家極度強調「誠信」、重視「民眾感受」、「負責任」的態度;又看著馬戲團處處奸詐背信,全面向他心中的專制母國傾斜,拆除自家國旗國名、更禁唱台灣歌曲,來迎接中國人,這種無恥的模樣,實在是世界奇聞奇觀。可是民調還有百分之四十的信任度!台灣要自稱是文明國家,確實是還有一大截民眾公民教育的空間。


馬英九過去數十年反台灣、反台灣人、反台灣民主的行為,表示他的性格已是如此,還以為台灣主權不會被他損害,是太過「天真」了;忘記了國民黨貪污多年,還沒有一人被關入牢,各個逃亡中國或其他國家,逍遙法外,是極危險的「健忘」。


如果大多數台灣人寧願放棄民主、人權,向中國專制政權屈膝投降,則另當別論。可能世界上還有一些不管你死活的國家,稱讚台灣人犧牲自己權益的精神,會促進世界和平呢!不過目前不是有高達百分之八十的民眾還認同台灣為主權國,並自認是台灣人,引以為傲?比兩千三百萬人口更小,科技工業發展更落後的國家,都還能維持自立、繁榮。為什麼還要傾中,變得非依賴對台灣主權有強烈敵意的中國不可?


國家認同的原則在於生命理念的一致,而不在於DNA的相似度或文化的同源;不能為了賺更多錢,而犧牲自由與人權;更不應該受心存不軌的政治集團操縱,只盯住眼前一小件問題、逞一時之快,而出賣國家前途。


在台灣的居民,要生活在自由民主、重視人權的國家,或是要成為無權自決的地方二等國民、受人宰割、自取其辱,都是你(妳)自己的決定。


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TAIWAN: US-based Taiwan experts add names to open letter


Among the judicial concerns from international academics and writers is leaks to the media regarding ongoing cases


Taipei Times
Saturday, January 24, 2009


By William Lowther


WASHINGTON, D.C. --- Two important Taiwan experts based in Washington have added their names to the open letter published in the Taipei Times earlier this week expressing concern about what they see as an erosion of justice in Taiwan.


The new signatories are former deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Randall Schriver and George Washington University academic Michael Yahuda.


In the original letter a group of international academics and writers urged President Ma Ying-jeou to order an independent inquiry into the way police squashed protests during the visit of Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin.


The letter said: "The establishment of a scrupulously neutral commission is essential if there is to be a fair and objective conclusion on the disturbances that occurred during the Chen Yunlin visit."


Freedom House, Amnesty International and US professor Jerome Cohen have also strongly recommended an independent inquiry.


At the same time, the group has expressed concern about the legal proceedings in the case of former president Chen Shui-bian and political pressure from KMT members of the Legislative Yuan that preceded a switch from a three-judge panel that had released the former president on his own cognizance to a court that subsequently detained him again.


The letter said there had been a "widespread pattern of leaks to the media regarding ongoing cases -- leaks, which because of their content and nature can only have come from the prosecutors' offices."


It mentioned a recent skit in which some prosecutors involved in Chen's case poked fun at the former president.


"This pattern of behavior displays a distinct bias in the judicial system and a disregard for fair and impartial processes," it said.


It concluded by again urging Ma "to ensure that your government and its judiciary and parliamentary institutions safeguard the full democracy, human rights and freedom of expression."


In an article published this week in its Taiwan Communique, the Washington-based Formosan Association for Public Affairs said the last few months had seen a further erosion of human rights and democracy in Taiwan .


It said the downward slide started in mid-October with the arrest and detention of former and present officials of the Democratic Progressive Party administration and worsened with aggressive police behavior during the Chen Yunlin visit in early November.


"Both developments were reminiscent of Taiwan 's police state under the Kuomintang's [KMT] martial law, which lasted from 1947 until 1987," the article said.


It quoted Cohen, who was Ma's law professor at Harvard, as saying that the recent court proceedings against Chen Shui-bian "mocked the promise" of fairness.


"At what point does the presumption of innocence become meaningless and the pre-conviction detention morph into punishment for a crime not finally proved?" Cohen asked.


Date Posted: 1/24/2009


 


Mentor urges Taiwan 's Ma to ensure trial fairness


By PETER ENAV,Associated Press Writer AP - Saturday, January 17


TAIPEI, Taiwan - The Harvard Law School mentor of Taiwan 's President Ma Ying-jeou said Saturday that his former student needs to urgently act to prevent an "increasingly disturbing circus atmosphere" from prejudicing his predecessor's right to a fair trial.


Jerome Cohen's comments to The Associated Press follow last week's biting skit that mocked former President Chen Shui-bian, performed by prosecutors at a Taiwan "Law Day" dinner attended by Justice Minister Wang Ching-feng, judges, and other leading lights of the island's legal community.


The skit made fun of Chen at the time of his arrest on graft charges in November, with a woman depicting him waving his manacled hands in the air and complaining about police brutality and judicial persecution.


At least one of the prosecutors appearing in the skit is involved in the continuing investigation of Chen.


Chen goes on trial Monday on charges of money laundering, bribery and looting a special presidential fund. While admitting his family wired more than $20 million to overseas bank accounts under its control, he says the money was unused campaign contributions that under Taiwanese law are his to deal with freely.


Cohen, now a law professor at New York University , is one of the world's foremost experts on legal systems in Taiwan and China . He mentored Ma three decades ago at Harvard and they remain close. They last met in the presidential office in Taipei on Dec. 16.


In a telephone interview with the AP, Cohen called performing the skit "unthinkable."


"It is as if there are people trying to repudiate all the progress that Taiwan has made over the past 15 years," he said, referring to the island's gradual transition from dictatorship to multiparty democracy.


Cohen said Ma should move swiftly to force Justice Minister Wang to clarify remarks she made in defense of the skit, including her characterization that it was, "just a little performance reflecting on current affairs."


"If he doesn't get this, who in Taiwan can get it?" he said.


Presidential spokesman Wang Yu-chi said Ma would not intervene with the justice minister on Chen's trial.


"President Ma Ying-jeou's stand is that he respects the judiciary and he does not interfere with individual cases," he said. "At the same time he hopes that the judiciary will behave in a way that does not induce improper political reactions on the part of the public."


There is "an increasingly disturbing circus atmosphere" surrounding the Chen trial, Cohen said, that includes not only the mounting of the skit, but also a decision by a Taipei court to reverse itself and order Chen jailed pending his trial.


Chen was originally locked up for 32 days to allow prosecutors to build their case against him, then ordered freed on his own recognizance by the court. However, he was returned to jail on Dec. 29 after a new panel of judges heard the prosecutors' second appeal against him.


Cohen said Ma's handling of the Chen case revealed an apparent choice to placate the extremist wing of his ruling Nationalist Party rather than reaching out to Taiwan 's broad political middle.


"He's acting like (President George W.) Bush in catering to the most right wing conservative elements," he said.


Presidential spokesman Wang rejected that characterization.


"(Ma's) hands-off policy has irritated some party members who hoped he could deal with the Chen case more aggressively," he said. "So it is incorrect to say that President Ma is trying to placate some party members with the way he is treating the Chen case."


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《中時》KUSO孔傑榮


《中國時報》裁員改版,號稱「精英報」。表現在形式上的改變,就是在每一版上打出「編輯」的「名字」,以此向讀者保證,並示負責。


確實,「傳媒詐術」的手法之一,就是在標題上玩把戲。編輯台為記者所寫的報導下標題時,有意作偽來誤導視聽;反正躲在文字之後,不怕被人指責或揭穿。《中時》公開亮出編輯的大名以昭大信;當然表示「童叟不欺」。


然而,《中時》在「時報廣場」上的「孔傑榮專欄」,卻是不折不扣的「黑心貨」;版面上公然掛上「總主筆」及「編輯」的名字,譯文後敢於附上譯者大名。如此陣仗更彰顯是「有意」的「詐欺」;三重的「保證」的目的,不過是鬆懈讀者戒心而吃下文字的「三聚氰胺」。


去年 十一月十三日 ,「孔傑榮的專欄」痛斥馬政府,在北京兩岸首腦陳雲林訪台時,「逾越了自由社會的界限」,並且質疑司法沒有嚴守「政治中立」以及違反「無罪推論」的基本原則,甚而指控「喚醒『戒嚴黑暗時期』不義程序的幽靈」。作者的題目非常明顯〈為了兩岸關係不惜犧牲台灣公民自由〉,譯文卻胡謅成〈陳雲林旋風颳人權問題〉,完全取消強有力的批判性。這種扭曲同樣見於內文,比如作者用描述性文字說:「台灣警方無法保護 陳 先生副手」,譯文卻成為「張銘清的『攻擊』事件」;這與陷人於罪的「官方」說法完全一致!


一月八日,「孔傑榮專欄」極為精采。譯者是「紐約大學法學院亞美法研究員宋名晰」,理應專家譯筆,依然是「黑心貨」。原文題目一針見血:〈扁案法官已經毀了他們的機會〉,譯文卻讓人摸不著頭腦的曖昧:〈對扁案的追訴:第一階段〉,什麼又什麼的!因此內文第一段出現的「毀了」,譯文變成了不知所云的「貽誤」;孔傑榮論及「法院受理本案的程序」,強烈的抨擊「已經嘲弄了社會期待」,譯文卻用輕鬆的字眼「期待落空」取代。


孔傑榮非常注意扁案的發展,他認為羈押庭決定收押陳水扁,是明顯「違反」大法官釋字第六五三號,譯文卻用「矛盾」一筆帶過。至於把「不利證據」改成「犯罪證據」,不只不專業,也暴露了內心的「黑暗」。


譯文的胡掰多不可數,最後再引一例。孔文用問句表達對台灣司法政治化的不信任:「有沒有政治人物秘密的恐嚇法院?」譯文作為「有無政治人物脅迫該法院」,為何「秘密」兩字不見了?


《中時》已脫手給「旺旺集團」;新老闆是坐視還是有意?這才是重點。


(作者金恆煒,當代雜誌總編輯)


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信馬者能怪誰?


民進黨執政時籌設的「二二八國家紀念館」,在馬英九上台後立即停工,預算更遭到國民黨佔絕對多數的立法院刪除,引發二二八受難家屬不滿,批評多次為二二八事件表達歉意的馬英九邪惡,違信背義,說一套做一套。


其實,二二八家屬根本不必嚴厲斥責馬英九,因為他說一套做一套的作風,是「一路走來、始終如一」,何曾變過?言行不一,固然是他的錯,但相信他的人,只能怪自己。


尤其,在主權與認同問題上,馬英九會隨著客觀環境不同,因應情勢所需,拋出各種不同的說法,特別是選舉時,只要能騙到選票,什麼違背自己信念,或者肉麻的話都說得出口。(他還會陪著受害者哽咽呢!)最可怕的是,他說起這些謊言來,還是一副非常誠懇的表情,因此,如果他說太陽從西邊出來,恐怕都會有人相信。


「燒成灰都是台灣人」,這是何等莊嚴的應許,縱使一輩子愛台灣,死生不改其志的人,可能都說不出口,唯恐自己努力不夠,信念不夠堅定,會褻瀆了自我的良知。


匪夷所思的是,身體裡流著終極統一血液,精神上懷抱著大中國情結的馬英九,說起此話來,竟然如此自然、順口、輪轉,絕不會跳針,一點都沒有勉強的感覺。聽到這麼感人的話,選民若不把票投給他,簡直是沒有良心。


 


2009年1月20日 星期二

President Barack Obama's inaugural address





今天是半非裔的Barack Obama就職美國第四十四任總統的日子。他的父親是肯亞人,曾到哈佛攻讀經濟學博士學位,但從小遺棄他,母親也是似嬉皮型的女人,小時在印尼生長、上國小。之後在夏威夷由祖父母養育,進入哈佛大學法學院,終於四十八歲被選為全世界最有權力的人,這段故事很令人感動。好高興我能見證美國、也可能是世界最歷史性的一天


美國是由移民組成的、依據兩百年前先人定下的理念、最尊重民主自由平等人權的國家。不過對非裔的種族起歧視一直持續。六十年前他的父親要去餐廳,會被拒絕座位;我四十三年前到美國,黑人還得坐在巴士後面。但是一旦民智開啟,發覺平等自由與人權不應該只限於白人,由政府立法,種族間的隔閡逐漸被打破。看這個白人佔最多數的國家,能夠如此憑良心,捨棄成見,選賢與能,決定前途,我深信她會繼續成為領導世界的模範國,「民主、平等、自由、人權」終究會擴展到全世界。


他本人的文才也很好,這篇總統就職演說,據說是他自己主筆的。



President Barack Obama's inaugural address on January 20, 2009.


OBAMA: My fellow citizens:


I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.


Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.


So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.


That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.


These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America 's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.


Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.


On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.


On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.


We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.


In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.


For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.


For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.


For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg ; Normandy and Khe Sanh.


Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.


This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America .


For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.


Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.


What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.


Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.


As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.


Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.


We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan . With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.


For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.


To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.


To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.


As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.


For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.


Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.


This is the price and the promise of citizenship.


This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.


This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.


So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America 's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:


"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet it."


America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.


Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America .


 


2009年1月17日 星期六

霍亂菌Vibrio cholerae及 腸炎弧菌Vibrio parahemolyticus

新聞報導南非洲的辛巴威(Zimbabwe)霍亂流行,到2009年 一月十七日 為止,已經有約五萬人感染,兩千兩百多人死亡。想起部落格上該有霍亂菌Vibrio cholerae,及同類細菌、但病況較不嚴重、傳染性較低的腸炎弧菌Vibrio parahemolyticus簡介。


也想起亞洲1960-1962年 El Tor vibrio strain 的大流行。台灣農產品出口頓減,經濟損失慘重,政府後來似乎也盡量報喜不報憂。當時我是實 習 醫師,曾經到「公共衛生教學示範中心」努力一番,想要做實驗、寫論文。當時這一段故事也是值得懷念。


Vibrio cholerae (霍亂菌)


l       Comma-shaped(弧形) 革蘭陰性桿菌。可在6%NaCl中生長(而異於另一個親水細菌Aeromonas)。


l       只對人致病引起cholera(霍亂)。


l       最重要的血清型為serovar O:1(唸成 “歐one”,不是 “零一”)及serovar O:139。O:1有兩個biotypes:classical (epidemic)及El Tor (endemic也可引起epidemic);O:1又有3個次血清型:Ogawa(小川)、Inaba(稻葉)及Hikojima(彥島)。O:139於1992年自孟加拉灣地區開始流行﹐已成為目前最重要的霍亂病原。在台灣因為生食甲魚蛋而有一胃切除之病人得病。是三十餘年來手首度本土性霍亂案例。細菌則可能是在飼主由大陸帶入之飼料中。


l       有纖毛,可動,有mucinase(黏液分解酵素);可附著在腸上皮接受體。


l       此菌之特徵為能在鹼性pH8.5-9.0中繁殖,因此可利用它從其他多種細菌中分離出來。


l       在胃酸中會死亡。因此無胃酸或常抑制胃酸者容易得病。


l       無症狀帶菌者(asyptomatic carriers)為感染原﹔可在鮮水中生長而經水傳染。人對人之感染少見。


l       潛伏期﹕2-3 days。


病變﹕


l       產生enterotoxin(腸毒素)導致極嚴重的水瀉、腹瀉,糞便看似洗米水 (rice water stool),水份電解質流失、脫水(dehydration)、休克(shock)。不治療時mortality(死亡率) 40 - 60%,早期治療時1%。


診斷﹕


l       培養糞便於enrichment medium (增殖培養劑,alkaline peptone water, pH 9) 35°C中18小時,然後次培養(subculture)在TCBS (thiosulfate citrate bile salt sucrose agar)中35°C、3 - 6小時。


防治﹕治療可用iv fluid 或 oral fluid


l       Oral fluid口服法: glucose 20 g m /L (或sucrose 40 g m /L)+ NaCl 3.5 g m /L + KCl 1.5 g m /L + trisodium citrate 2.9 g m /L or NaHCO3 2.5 g m /L(最簡單的泡法為one liter飲用水+ 5 g rams鹽 + 40 g rams糖)(水加糖可以促進鹽份之吸收,因而可以不用靜脈注射水份電解質就可治療)。輕度脫水(體重之5 %)及中度脫水(體重之7 %)可在4-6小時內以口服法補充失去的水份量。以後則每4小時以口服法補充水樣糞便量之1.5倍。


l       有休克時以IV fluid (Na ion 130 m Eq/L + K ion 10 -15 m Eq/L + bicarbonate or acetate or lactate ions 25 -48 m Eq/L),可用Ringer’s solution或WHO “diarrhea treatment solution” ( 4 gm NaCl + 1 gm KCl + 0.5 gm sodium acetate + 8 gm glucose in one L)或Dacca solution ( 5 gm NaCl + 4 gm NaHCO3 + 1 gm KCl/L)。第一小時給30 mL/Kg for infants; 對一歲以上者要30 分鐘內IV 給予。以後視病人之情況可改為口服。


l       抗生素可以縮短病程、減少水份排出量、及細菌之排放量。可用以下幾種藥,但世界各地區之Vibtio cholerae抗藥性不同,應先瞭解:


Ø       tetracycline 500 mg, qid (or 12.5 mg/kg, qid for children), 3 days;


Ø       TMP/SMZ (320 mg/1600 mg) bid, (or 8 mg/40 mg/kg for children in 2 divided doses), 3 days; (O139 strain對此藥有抗藥性);


Ø       Furazolidine 100 mg, qid (or 1.25 mg/kg, qid for children), 3 days; 


Ø       Erythromycin 250 mg qid (or 10 mg/kg, tid for children), 3 days。


Ø       Ciprofloxacin 30 mg/kg, one dose, 不超過1 gm.或15 mg/km, bid, 3 days。


l       第一類法定傳染病,應立即報告,並強制隔離。


l       要找出感染原,如有可能進行消毒。


l       加強民眾衛生教育,不需要時少服抑制胃酸的藥物。


l       用killed whole cell vaccine with or without nontoxic cholera toxin可以有69 %(前者) 或41 %保護;live attenuated oral vaccine也正在研發中。以前用的im killed cholera vaccine效果不佳、副作用大。


 


Vibrio parahemolyticus (腸炎弧菌)


l       Comma-shaped(弧形) 革蘭陰性桿菌。可在6%NaCl中生長(而異於另一個親水細菌Aeromonas)。


l       Halophilic (嗜鹽的;salt-loving)。常污染海鮮食品,引起急性胃腸炎群突發感染。


l       產生cytotoxin(細胞毒素),引起腹瀉。


l       潛伏期:8小時到2天。


l       需特殊培養劑:TCBS,18小時;35°C.。



(採自2002年許清曉著『傳染病防治手冊』,最有用的中英文索引Index佔全書三分之一,可在藝軒圖書公司購得。以上是有關此病原的基本常識。最新資料還是要從網路或圖書館醫學雜誌取得。)